Att gröpa ur en grapefrukt eller vad har vi lärt oss egentligen?

Barcelona, Rambla: i efterdyningarna av terror.

Vaknade den här morgonen till nyheterna av att ytterligare ett terrordåd hade utförts i en europeisk storstad, Barcelona. På turiststråket Rambla hade en ensam förare i en skåpbil rent bokstavligt plöjt sin väg framåt i rusande fart och orsakat ett stort antal dödsoffer och skadade samt skapat en panik som dels spred sig lokalt, dels vidare globalt tack vare nyhetsrapporteringen. Senare på fredagseftermiddagen utförs ett blodigt dåd i Åbo. Under en längre tid har jag tänkt men undvikit att sätta pränt på det som jag gått omkring och funderat kring vad som händer antingen nära oss eller långt bort. Och jag trodde att det vore enkelt att ignorera att skriva om det som kommer att följa nedan. Men att vara tyst är lika med att vara likgiltig. Ett sådant agerande ger vid handen ett ”tyst stöd” till de krafter och negativa röster som tar alltmer plats i dagens offentliga rum lokalt och globalt. Det går helt enkelt inte längre att vare sig blunda eller vara tyst.

Frågan jag ställer mig är om 2017 kommer kulminera i ett scenario där världen har blivit stadd i ett permanent undantagstillstånd? Det räcker med att se på den dagliga utvecklingen i USA, i vilket de groteska händelserna i Charlottesville för drygt en vecka sedan får symbolisera en djupt splittrad nation som styrs av person som verkar mer genom fingrarna (gester, Twitter) än genom huvudet. Här tänker jag främst på att leda ett land genom resonemang och en vilja till förståelse. Orsakerna till varför Donald Trump är som han är för många att ta upp här, och det räcker att titta på televisionen eller läsa analyser i pressen för att skapa sig en god bild av det hela. Hänger det hela ihop med att det är enklare att uppmärksamma det negativa i jämförelse med det positiva? Det må vara så, och vilket har blivit mer eller mindre en kliché att säga nuförtiden: ”att vi ska se på och lära oss av historien”. Men det visar oss också att historia inte enbart borde ses som en kronologisk eller linjär resa som rör sig stadigt framåt, det verkar istället vara mer som om mänskligheten är dömd till att upprepa tidigare katastrofala beslut och beteenden utifrån ett cirkulärt resonemang. Med det menar jag att samhälleliga fenomen följer ett mönster av att utvecklas – kulminera – gradvis eller snabbt försvinna – glömmas bort… och sedan börjar cykeln om igen.

Idag står världen återigen inför en storm av hatfyllda åsikter som har tydliga rötter i det förflutna. Se bara på ”återuppståndelsen” av fascism och nazism i Europa och USA, i vilket det senare där viftandet med nazistflaggor ter sig helt historielöst. Eller för den delen, hur terrorism dagligen påverkar varje enskild människa över hela världen genom att antingen skapa sympati för offren eller spä på redan etablerade fördomar gentemot befolkningar och religiösa inriktningar (läs islam). Världen rör sig mot en ny polarisering: det är ”vi mot dem” och frågan är på vilken sida man väljer att stå på om man väljer att hoppa på det tåget. Vidare, dystopi och mörker verkar lägga sig som ett raster över mänskligheten och frågan är hur vi ska hantera det hela. När det ser ut som om historien upprepar sig är en väg att gå att vända sig till kända urtolkare av ondskan genom historien, eller för den delen, varför mänskligheten helt enkelt verkar ha glömt vad som redan har hänt.

I det senare fallet kan vi se på vad den franske historikern Marc Bloch ansåg om att förstå det nutida genom det förflutna i The Historian’s Craft (ett manuskript som publicerades postumt i Frankrike 1949, Bloch avrättades i Lyon av nazisterna den 16 juni 1944): ”…within a generation or two, human affairs have undergone a change which is not merely rapid, but total, … It overlooks the force of inertia peculiar to so many social relations”. Bloch hävdade att likgiltigheten för det förflutna inte enbart förvirrar den samtida vetenskapen men skapar allmän oreda i den tid man lever i. I det förra avseendet får vi vända blicken mot sommaren 1950. Hannah Arendt, en tysk-amerikansk politisk filosof och tillika en av 1900-talets mer framstående skribenter kring fenomenet ”ondskan” (den banala ondskan), skrev i förordet till den monumentala studien The Origins of Totalitarianism att:

”Never has our future been more unpredictable, never have we depended so much on political forces that cannot be trusted to follow the rules of common sense and self-interest – forces that look like sheer insanity, if judged by the standards of other countries … On the level of historical insight and political thought there prevails an ill-defined, general agreement that the essential structure of all civilizations is at the breaking point”.

Nürnberg 1937

Ord skrivna utifrån orsaken och verkan av det andra världskriget, men också utvecklingen av det globala samfundet efter 1945 genom det kalla krigets polarisering av världen i ”det goda väst och det onda öst”. Arendts ord nedtecknade 67 år sedan verkar tyvärr ha tagit sig karaktären av att vara eviga och spelar en likvärdig betydelse idag.

Observationer och tillbakablickande har fortsatt fram till idag. En av de mer framstående historikerna i vår tid, Tony Judt, ställde sig frågan ”vad har vi lärt oss, om någonting överhuvudtaget” när det kom till betydelsen av att förstå 1900-talets historia. Det var en pessimistisk bild Judt målade upp i sin text, publicerad 2008 i The New York Review of Books, och domen över dagens samhälle var inte nådig, det vill säga att för att kunna bygga en bättre värld behöver vi, enligt Judt, ”gå tillbaka och titta noga” på vad som hände under 1900-talet. Ett århundrade färgat av globala katastrofer (krig, mass- och folkmord, förföljelser, svält) och totalitära regimer grundade utifrån ideologiska förebilder (nazism, fascism och kommunism). Till detta kan vi lägga en värld som under 1900-talet radikalt förändrades om vi ser till maktstrukturer, nationalstaters förhållande till varandra och till sig själva (nationalism och patriotism) och det postkoloniala (sönderfallet av forna imperier som Storbritannien och Frankrike efter 1945). Det är ett mischmasch av trådar som leder hela vägen ner från det globala till det lokala.

Jag har funderat kring uttrycket ”att man gröper ut något som en grapefrukt”. Det kan antingen relatera till något personligt, men i det här avseendet passar det in på hur världen ser ut 2017. Till slut finns det inte mycket kvar att gröpa ur och istället ersätts det med något annat. Terror spär på rädsla och rädsla föder likgiltighet, och för att låna ett begrepp hämtat ur Arendts studie, samhällen ”atomiseras” och till slut är människan ensam och isolerad, oförmögen att lita på någon. Men varför har jag skrivit denna text? Jo, å ena sidan måste livet finna en väg att gå vidare i vilket vardagslivet har sina rutiner, och å andra sidan får inte cynism eller likgiltighet inte segra. Det är enkelt att vända bort blicken och döma, sluta ögonen eller hålla handen för munnen, men i slutändan blir vi alla dömda av historien om vi står bredvid och enbart tittar på. Vi kan bättre än så…

Three Cyclists’ from India and Imperial Encounters 

Bombay 1920: the departure and point of arrival.

For an edited and expanded version of this blog, see: http://mayday.leftword.com/blog/three-cyclists-from-india-and-encounters-of-empire/

Published on LeftWord Blog, 11 August 2017

From the archive (RGASPI 542/1/5, 68)

”In China, the people did not believe they were Indians, because they were clean-shaven…”

The continual mining of the Comintern Archive in Moscow, either by visiting the archive or consulting the digital archive online, furthers our understanding of (as in my case) anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements and experiences in the interwar period. By perceiving these movements as circulations of experience, and as transnational in scope and nature, documents located in the Moscow archive tells us about previously unknown encounters and narratives that either supports already established research results or adds new layers of understanding to what really happened in Europe, the US, Latin America, Asia or Africa between the wars. Hence, what I am thinking of here is the combination of global and transnational perspectives as a theoretical and methodological way of understanding history and historical processes. One example of this is the story of three cyclists’ from India who departed from Bombay (nowadays: Mumbai) sometime in 1923 for ”a world tour”, only to return four years later to the same city. In the files of the League against Imperialism, according to one of the organization’s official publications, ”Press Service” (1927), the following remarkable transnational tale of imperial encounters in China, Indo-China and the US unfolds itself.

The three Indian cyclists’ left Bombay in 1923 with the intention of visiting and experiencing new vistas and meeting other cultures rather than reading about it. Returning back to India in 1927, it had been a journey covered first, on wheels, and second, it had deepened their insight into the ”methods of Japanese, French, American and British imperialism.” According to the ”Press Service”, what they had seen ”convinced them of the urgent need of national independence,” which, in hindsight was an echo of the initial points declared by the US President Woodrow Wilson at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, an epochal event that faded rather as power interests took the leading role, but which found new impetus with the official establishment of the League against Imperialism in Brussels 10-14 February 1927. Hence, it was all about continuing the need of declaring and furthering the demands of the colonies to receive national independence based on the premises of national self-determination. What did the three cyclists, of whom there is little known after just reading the report in ”Press Service”, experience on the journey through Asia, reaching all the way to the US and back again to Bombay?

If we adopt a geographical perspective, the cyclists’ encountered various forms of racial prejudice and segregation, either openly or moderately expressed. Arriving in Korea they were welcomed and ”received a very heartily” reception wherever they went with their bicycles. As ”victims of Japanese imperialism”, the Koreans connected with the Indians and their heritage of belonging to a ”great land” that had been subjected to cruel exploitation by the British ”for over a century and a half”. In Indo-China, the three cyclists’ got to know very well the ”blessings of French imperialism”, a statement that explicitly referred to the most stringent and racial laws against Indians and the Chinese that had been put into effect to subject them for the reason that they were ”regarded as pariahs by the French authorities”. Different treatment of nationalities also emerged during the journey, and as was noted, the Japanese population in Indo-China was exempted from discriminating laws and given the status of ”civilized beings” in comparison with the Indians and Chinese. As the adventure finally reached the US, and as the three cyclists’ made port in San Francisco, they could read on signboards in many places that ”Japs, Chinese, Indians, Dogs and Cats not allowed.”

Thus, as much as racial prejudice was a natural feature in various national contexts, it was also increasingly transnational in scope and intent wherever the three cyclists’ chose to steer their direction. The report in ”Press Service” concludes the impressions of imperialism made by the cyclists’ after ”the world tour”. Accordingly, French imperialism was as far away as possible from the national insignia of ”liberty, equality and justice” as it was put into practice in the French colonies, whereas British imperialism came as no surprise to the three Indians, meaning, it was pretty evident that all means were taken by British colonial authorities to act as ”protector of the interests of British nationals.”

This single document outlines in general terms the fundamental approach of ”thinking transnational”, or as Akira Iriye writes in Global and Transnational History (2013): ”[T]ransnational history, … focuses on cross-national connections, whether through individuals, non-national identities, and non-state actors, or in terms of objectives shared by people and communities regardless of their nationality.” Hence, what the encounter of these three unidentified cyclists’ from India tells us is that regardless of identifying themselves as ”Indian”, communication and travel across continents during four years was made possible with mechanical means: the bicycle, and through this vehicle, this enabled encounters and meetings of a novel kind that changed their understanding of colonialism and imperialism.

Hidden Narratives, Forgotten Stories: Anti-Colonialism and Stockholm, 1917-1921

A Call For Peace. May 1 Demonstration in Stockholm 1917

A Call For Peace. May 1 Demonstration in Stockholm 1917

Below follow an introduction to a research project I am trying to develop on transnational anti-colonialism in the spatial and temporal setting of Stockholm between 1917-1921. Focus is on tracing largely unknown anti-colonial narratives, which, here is designated as ”hidden narratives and forgotten stories”. Please observe: this is a work in progress, and any funding has not yet been secured for the project, but I would not mind hearing of your opinion about the idea and general scope of the theme. (16.3.2017)

Thematic and chronological outline of the project:

In 1917, leaders of the European socialist movement selected Stockholm as the most suitable and logical place to discuss a solution to the on-going political conflict on the European continent. At the same moment, anti-colonial activists living in Europe perceived the idea from a different perspective. With the outbreak of the Russian revolution in February, the socialist movement welcomed the changing political and social scenario in Russia and called for an international conference to be convened in the Swedish capital, namely the “Stockholm Peace Conference”. However, representatives of socialist parties in Germany, France and Great Britain declared their intention of not attending the conference due to national alignments in the on-going war. Yet, the Belgian socialist Camille Huysmans together with the Swedish social democratic leader Hjalmar Branting took stride in forming the “Netherlands-Scandinavian Committee” to show that the despite of the frail character of the socialist movement in Europe, it nevertheless aimed at putting forward plausible solutions that could aid in solving the societal situation or in reviving the international activities of the socialist movement. As the war had assumed the character of an “imperial war”, positing former and new power alliances in cooperation with or against each other, hence the Great War remark, the widespread belief among the involved nations was that the conflict was “a war to end all wars”, aiming to put an end to historical power disputes among the nations of Europe, an issue connected to global factors as claims of power through the geography of colonialism and imperialism. On the other hand, the Great War had seriously altered the functional and structural conditions of anti-colonialism as an idea and movement as it had emerged in the beginning of the twentieth century. The Great War created a global political geography that changed the political space for anti-colonial activists in Europe, Asia, and the USA. The “Stockholm Peace Conference” thus appeared as one of few available opportunities for anti-colonial activists to put forward their demands of national independence. Travelling from various locations in Europe and known of having been present in Stockholm in 1917 were delegations from Egypt, Persia, Finland, India, Poland, the Jewish association “Poale Zion”, Armenia (which highlighted Turkish oppression and the genocide of the Armenian population), the Balkan countries, and an Islamic association. While the history of the peace conference, and the reasons for why it never happened, has been covered extensively in previous research (Kan, 2005; Mazower, 2012; Mishra, 2012; Conrad and Sachsenmeier, 2007; Manela, 2007; Nishikawa, 2010; Kirby, 1986), the activities, demands and connections of the anti-colonial delegations and their representatives remain hidden and forgotten, excluded from an historiographical tradition that has been defined either by national frameworks or the history of Swedish and European labour movements.

Stockholm and the proposed peace conference initiated a spatial and temporal setting for anti-colonialism, a point of departure that encouraged anti-colonial activists at a moment when nothing and everything seemed possible. However, this would continue in Stockholm after 1917, having several anti-colonial activists remain in the city. The historical understanding of Sweden and Stockholm in 1917 and the aftermath of the Great War in 1918, has primarily focused on the consequences of the social and political tensions as they emerged in the nation, for example food riots and social upheaval; and the fractionalization of the political left and general fear of revolution because of the Bolshevik coup d’état in Soviet Russia in October 1917. Further, the project suggest that the conference can be interpreted as the rehearsal of things about to unfold, meaning, similar patterns of ignorance vis-a-vi the colonial question at the Stockholm conference appeared at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919. Erez Manela’s study (2007) of the “Wilsonian moment” in Versailles depicts how the introduction of liberal internationalism and the idea of a gradual transference of national independence to the colonies turned, however, into a mirage having the colonial delegates being treated with silence and indifference. But, at the same time existed a transnational world in Stockholm, connecting separate identities from colonized states and nations, sharing similar objectives among people and associations regardless of nationality (Iriye: 2013, p.15).

By situating a transnational history of anti-colonialism in Stockholm 1917-1921, this disclose why and how the official position of Swedish neutrality turned the Swedish capital into an anti-colonial space for activists seeking an opportunity of spreading knowledge about colonial oppression, and at the same time, to seek political refuge. Samuel Moyn states in The Last Utopia (2010) that “anti-colonialist ideology” had its origins in tiny groups often characterized “on the far left”, and are frequently linked to student or immigrant networks in metropoles with their own versions of internationalism and nationalism. Thus, the research project will contribute in disclosing the Swedish capital as a crucial “anti-colonial metropole” at a certain moment in time, and further, highlight the historical lacuna of anti-colonialism in Stockholm as a hidden narrative and forgotten story.